The government is constantly trying to turn Greece’s upcoming presidency of the Council of the European Union into an electoral advantage. Through statements by the prime minister at the Thessaloniki International Fair in September and, more recently, by Deputy Foreign Minister Tasos Chatzivasileiou, it is trying to convince voters that only a government led by the ruling conservatives, with an outright parliamentary majority, can successfully manage this office.
On the one hand, the deputy minister acknowledges that “the presidency is a national challenge that transcends parties and governments.” On the other, he says “the country cannot afford any setbacks. It is therefore crucial which government will oversee the EU presidency.”
As long as the EU neglects the issues that affect people’s daily lives, fails to pursue a fair and balanced migration policy, and does not take an active role in promoting peace, the far right will continue to gain ground
Let us be clear: Greece’s EU presidency is a national undertaking, not a partisan one. The current government has a duty to make the organizational preparations for the presidency, regardless of which government is in power on July 1, while sending a clear message that Greece will successfully fulfill its responsibility, whatever the political developments.
In this context, there are several key areas in which Greece has long-established positions. These include support for an ambitious EU budget with strong cohesion, agricultural and fisheries policies, despite pressure for cuts from the so-called “frugal countries”; support for Cyprus; and backing EU enlargement in the Western Balkans, provided candidate countries comply with the EU acquis. All have long been Greek priorities. Moreover, the joint 18-month program of the Ireland-Lithuania-Greece trio of EU presidencies has already been drawn up. And should the EU budget not be adopted in time, Greece has repeatedly demonstrated during its five previous EU presidencies, under governments of different political stripes, that it has the standing, institutional experience and qualified personnel needed to strike the difficult compromises required to secure major European agreements.
Beyond that, each country can set its own priorities, deciding which issues to champion and what it wants its legacy to be. This is not a matter of “management,” as the government is trying to portray it for political gain, but a substantive question concerning Europe’s future and Greece’s place within it. For ruling New Democracy, the focus is on security and defense, competitiveness and energy security. And this is precisely where Greek Left Alliance (ELAS) differs from the conservatives. For us, Europe’s strategic autonomy – economic, defense, energy and digital – is essential, but it will not strengthen the EU unless it is underpinned by a common foreign and security policy that promotes peace and security in Ukraine and the Middle East. Nor does it mean much to people who cannot afford to pay rent or buy groceries, or to young people who cannot afford to start a family.
This is the major battle that only progressive forces can wage in Europe: tackling the high cost of essential goods, inequality, the housing crisis, child poverty and energy poverty, while defending young people’s right to build a future in their own country, as [former Italian prime minister] Enrico Letta has argued.
Europe will not win back the trust of its citizens only by channeling billions more into defense. As long as the EU neglects the issues that affect people’s daily lives, fails to pursue a fair and balanced migration policy, and does not take an active role in promoting peace based on international law, the far right will continue to gain ground. The decision not to expand the use of Eurobonds, along with a weak EU budget lacking new sources of revenue, such as taxes on multinational corporations and cryptocurrencies, will only fuel this trend.
Finally, the EU budget is changing the way funding is allocated, bringing various instruments together under national and regional partnership plans and linking investments to specific milestones. Regional and local authorities are part of this system. But who will be in the driver’s seat?
Given what we have seen from New Democracy in terms of managing EU funds and agricultural subsidies, vocational training programs and the operation of the so-called “executive state,” the question of who will manage the next EU funding package, and with what safeguards, is a profoundly political one. What it comes down to is who will decide where European funds go, which social needs they will address and what model of development they will serve. Ultimately, it comes down to what kind of Greece we want to build.
Zorgetta Lali is deputy head of European Affairs for the Greek Left Alliance (ELAS) party and a former high-ranking official at the European Commission.
