It was the first day in Nikiforos Diamandouros’ new office – that of the president of the Academy of Athens, Greece’s leading intellectual institution. Under the watchful eye of Simon Sinas – the portrait of the businessman who financed the construction of the emblematic building which dominates the room – we chatted about many things. Diamandouros’ imprint, after all, is strong in various fields: in political science, the academic community, in European and Greek institutional life, in public discourse – always as a passionate defender of the rule of law, independent institutions and the country’s European path, who expresses his point of view and arguments without embellishments. He demonstrated this from the very beginning of our discussion.
What does extroversion mean – or should it mean – for the Academy of Athens? How do you respond to those who consider it a closed club that does not communicate with society?
I will not disagree. The general image of a detached academy reflects reality to a certain extent. For me, extroversion means provoking public debate around specific issues, crucial for Greek society. And in my speech, at the appointment ceremony of the new leaders of the Academy of Athens, I spoke precisely about what we will focus on during my term [like] the effort to adopt a new model of governance, so that we can free ourselves from the trap of the electoral cycle; education, on all levels, not just in higher education; demographics; climate change and something that cuts across all of the above: the issues raised by the increasingly widespread use of artificial intelligence.
Since your tenure as European ombudsman, how much has Europe changed? And in what direction?
The whole world has changed. The post-war regime of peace, mutual support and the search for consensual solutions has begun to be undermined. The basic values of national sovereignty and the nation-state, built with the Treaties of Westphalia in 1648, are being questioned today. We are returning to a situation where the logic of power prevails, and this is particularly bad for small countries like ours. I fear that even more turbulent times await us.
Can the European Union stand up to US President Donald Trump?
I do not want to believe that the European Union cannot stand up for itself and show its strength. So far it has not done so and we are suffering the consequences of this weakness. As for what is happening in the US, President Trump is indeed dominant, but at best he represents less than half of Americans. His popularity is actually falling. I hope that the reflexes of American society will soon be activated so that an effective counterforce can be created against him. And I am not referring only to the Democrats but also to the part of the Republican Party that has never identified with populism. The midterm elections in November will be crucial.
How European have Greeks become in recent decades?
Not as much as we should. One might reasonably ask: And how European should we become? Due to our geographical location, we participate in two cultural traditions, not just the Western one. The Middle East is equally important and we would be in denial if we tried to silence its influence on our identity. On the other hand, thanks to this particularity, we have the opportunity to enrich the European vision. But to answer your question. Steps have been taken, the Greek reality is improving qualitatively, but at a slow pace. This means that our distance from “similar” countries which are moving faster, such as those of southern Europe, is growing.
What is holding us back?
We are trapped in a value system based on what economists call “zero sum,” that is, for someone to win, someone else must lose, while the “positive sum” approach should prevail. Even in a confrontation, one side should not try to eliminate the other, the collective benefits should prevail. Unfortunately, the conflictual dimension of Greek society is very intense and leads to toxicity and a logic of exclusion. The word compromise has a negative connotation for a large percentage of our fellow citizens.
You were Greece’s first ombudsman. Almost three decades later, citizens still have difficulty finding their rights. What went wrong?
Greeks’ relationship with the state is problematic. We are far from the Scandinavian countries, for example, where citizens identify with the state and consider it their own. We have institutions that we also find in the large family of liberal democracies, European and others, but they do not function adequately. Citizens are often treated as objects, not as a person. And citizens, in turn, compete with the state and undermine it. It is a highly conflictual relationship. Greek society suffers from a profound lack of trust – both interpersonal (with the exception of the family), and toward institutions.
The anger and distrust of institutions that you describe are often expressed through new political formations, such as the one associated with Maria Karystianou [mother of a victim of the 2023 Tempe railway disaster]. How would you comment on this?
I will be very emphatic: under no circumstance does this constitute progress. Any political movement/party focused on a single idea contributes neither to the development of institutions nor to the quality of democracy. Anger does not produce institutions. The logic of blame, denial and denunciation is an easy way out, but a populist one. The path of consensus and compromise aimed at serving citizens is difficult, but only this road leads to positive results.
What taste has your own involvement in politics left in your mouth?
I dedicated my life to the study of politics. It was only in 2015, at a time when in my opinion Greece was in danger of falling off the cliff that I accepted the offer made to me by Stavros Theodorakis and To Potami to lead the [party’s] statewide list. Fortunately, I failed! But in no case do I have a bitter taste, not even a bittersweet one. I simply did my duty as a citizen.
You have studied the period 1821-1828 in depth. Have you seen the film “Kapodistrias” [on the life of the first head of state of independent Greece] that has caused so much discussion?
I have not seen it. [Ioannis] Kapodistrias was a conservative, he resisted the revolutionary upsurges of that era, he did not keep up with the manifestations of liberal democracy, he was not a radical. But he has been rather unfairly judged by Greek history and the positive evaluations come mainly (but not exclusively) from foreign historians. It is very important to restore his importance and I am glad to see many young Greek historians contributing to this.
If we assume that you had the opportunity to meet a historical figure – of any era – who would you choose and why?
I have particular admiration and appreciation for those who fought for the establishment of a liberal democracy in our country and for Greece to acquire a European perspective: Alexandros Mavrokordatos, Harilaos Trikoupis, Eleftherios Venizelos, Konstantinos Karamanlis and Costas Simitis – I believe that history will include them in the same “chapter.” I met the last two, of course; unfortunately Karamanlis was at an advanced age and we were not given the opportunity to exchange meaningful conversations.
Personal life
We also discussed the people who have most defined Diamandouros. “Among them is undoubtedly my partner, Magda. We have known each other for 65 years, we have been married for 55. From my father’s family, I would single out my first cousin, Paris Diamandouros, who was an impressively perceptive, highly capable businessman and with critical thinking. The impression of my great-grandmother, Maria Traka, on my mother’s side, is also strong. She was authoritarian, she never showed me tenderness, she was oppressed by society’s rules, but the strength and perseverance with which she faced the adversities in her life taught me a lot.”
Diamandouros’ schedule at the Academy will certainly be heavy this year. What will be the respites in his everyday life? “Reading – history, political science, anthropology – and, of course, my family, my wife, our children and grandchildren.”
“My mother, Eleni, who passed away last year at the age of 107, had roots in Syros and Hydra. She was a graduate of the American College for Women, so she was nurtured with the ideas of liberal democracy – American style, of course – and she influenced me too. My relatives from my father’s, Ioannis, family came from a beautiful mountain village, Karyes in Laconia, and at the end of the 19th century they left for Bulgaria, where they were active in the grain trade. My father was born there, but he did not get involved in the family business. He worked for a large oil company and completed his career in the US. I would describe him as a conservative liberal, who was deeply traumatized by the Civil War, but without losing his commitment to democratic ideals. Although my parents’ home was on Patission Street, because I was born during the German Occupation and twice risked dying from tuberculosis, we spent long periods of time in a house in Ekali, where the natural environment contributed to my recovery.”
